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Dionysus

The god of wine and the grapevine predates the Greeks with an origin covering Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and even as far as Egypt. Firstly an agricultural god, this "deity of Mt. Nysa" was an early supreme being whose wild and riotous worship was famous all over the eastern sphere of the Mediterranean, the most notable form was the Thracian.

Apollo

Orignally a Thracian and Trojan deity whose power and authority surpassed that of Zeus. Apollo stood for a multitude of classifications as: the god of prophecy; the beneficial god and protector from evil; the god of punishment and vengeance; the god of song and music; the god of flocks and cattle; the god of politics; the god of the Sun; and the god of the nether world.

Artemis (Diana)

The Greek goddess of the hunt hailed from the warlike regions of Asia Minor and in different versions depending on the locality she was worshipped. There was an Ephesian Artemis, the one identified in the Bible to Diana; a Taurian that received strangers thrown on the coast of Tauris as sacrifice; an Arcadian that hunted in the mountains with her nymphs; and the Trojan, as Apollo's twin sister.

Zeus (Jupiter)

The Greek father of gods and men was originally not Greek but a Cretan import. According to legend, he was said to have been raced away to Crete as an infant by his mother Rhea to escape being devoured by his father Cronos. Since his pre-Hellenic times, bulls and goats were offered to him in sacrifice.

Rhea

Like Zeus, she was a Minoan import. Later "Mother Goddess" cults entering Greece from Asia Minor, including one named Cybel, became identified with Rhean worship. In Greek mythology, she fled to Crete to give birth to Zeus for fear of the child being devoured by Cronos. Upon returning, to appease her hungry husband, she gave to him a stone inconspicuously wrapped up like the infant Zeus.

Poseidon

The second most powerful Greek god, ruler of the waters and earthquakes, was also not Greek. He was a principal Trojan deity who was said to have built the impregnable walls of Troy. The horses that naturally inhabited Troy gained him the Grecian impression as the god of horses.

Aphrodite

Her worship came from that of the Phoenician sea goddess Astarte, known in the Bible as Ashtoreth. She was the wife of Ares, another alien god, with whom she bore the Amazons.

Ares

One of the most hated of the Greeks, Ares was a Thracian import. And like most Thracian import, he was savage and sanguinary: a character inherited by his descendants, the Amazons.

Cronos

He is the only pre-Hellenic deity that received human sacrifices. In analogy to his name, he was known to eat his own children: a characteristic of time that destroys whatever it has created. He was deposed by Zeus, prompting him to flee to Italy as Saturn where he begins an agricultural golden age.

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Source by Kenny Leones

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Britain governed indirectly through the existing local institutions. Sir Frederick Lugard's Indirect Rule worked well in the North and the West where Traditional rulers were already in place. It however, failed woefully in the East where there was no tradition of central governing authority. What the British did therefore, was to create artificial chiefs whom they called "Warrant chiefs". Because of the alien authority so created in the East and because some of them were actually insignificant people, the warrant chiefs commanded little or no authority. People either ignored them or protested their rule. One of the upshots of this anomaly was the 'Aba Riots' of 1929, led by women who were protesting in the main, the imposition of tax by a warrant chief.

THE CLIFFORD CONSTITUTION OF 1922

The Governor of Nigeria at this time, Sir Hugh Clifford had earlier attacked the National Congress of British West Africa, a political party which was formed and led from the Gold Coast by Casely Hayford, for having sent a petition to the secretary of state for the Colonies in London. One of the agitations of the educated minority in Lagos and Calabar areas was for proper constitutional representation, and the petition was rejected by Lord Milner, the secretary of state. Clifford himself had attacked the National Congress of British West Africa as a whole, but he fully appreciated the need for reform and especially for increased participation of Nigerians in the government of their own country.

One of the political consequences of the Clifford Constitution was that the introduction of elective principle in the Legislative Council stimulated political activity, particularly in Lagos, which had three seats. Political parties and newspapers were founded, though some were short-lived due to personal rivalries and inadequate funding. That was the early stage of Nigerian nationalism. Herbert Macaulay founded the first Nigerian political party – Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) – and which won all the elections of 1923, 1928 and 1933.

The supremacy in Lagos of the NNDP was not challenged until the foundation in 1934 of the Lagos Youth Movement, which changed its name to Nigeria Youth Movement (NYM) in 1936. The NYM emerged from relative obscurity at the 1938 General Elections to challenge the NNDP and it became the predominant Nigerian party under Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe's leadership, until he resigned from it on an internal issue of confidence in 1941, after which it faded away.

The impact of the Second World War (1945-1949) upon Nationalist movements in British West Africa was the same in all territories. The impact was threefold: military, psychological, and economic.

Large numbers of West African troops were recruited and saw military service in East Africa, in North Africa, and most particularly, in South East Asia. They were taught that they were fighting for freedom, and were promised good resettlement facilities when they returned home and were demobilized. However, West African units in South East Asia had been issued with pamphlets describing demobilization and resettlement procedures applicable to British troops being demobilized in the United Kingdom for when they got back to their own countries the West African troops were summarily discharged from the armed forces, and swelled the ranks of the unemployed.

During the war, the propaganda of the Allies had been based upon the concept of freedom (as indeed had Nazi propaganda directed at the colonies). The United States, as an ex-colony, took an aggressively anti-colonialist line from the time of the Atlantic Charter of the United Nations.

Finally, following war-time and post-war shortages and inflation, the price of imported goods went up, though the prices received by local producers for export did not go up like the same extent. This led to dissentient and a belief that the Colonial masses were the victims of imperialist and capitalist exploitation.

The impact of Azikiwe's newspaper – West African Pilot – and other factors energized the quest for freedom. Such other factors were the impact of organized labour, student unionism and the invigorating balm offered by the independence of India in 1947.

THE RICHARDS CONSTITUTION OF 1946

Sir Arthur Richards (later Lord Milverton) submitted his Constitutional proposals to the secretary of state for the Colonies in December 1944. The proposals were of two main characteristics: the pursuit of self-determination and the development of regional separatism.

There was sweeping condemnation of the Richards Constitution by a plethora of protests, viz, the June 1945 general strike of organized labour spearheaded by the labour leader, Pa Michael Imoudu, the formation and activities of the Zikist Movement and the increasing impatience and radicalism of the youths. The new mood of the moment was captured by Ogedemgbe Macaulay (son of Herbert Macaulay) and Mallam Habib Abdallah. The younger Macaulay was reported to have argued that "if we tell the governor to come down, he will not; we must drag him down and take over."

In a 1948 lecture titled "The Age of Positive Action", Mallam Abdallah said:

"I hate the Union Jack with all my heart because it divides the people wherever it goes … it is a symbol of persecution, of domination, a symbol of exploitation … of brutality … we have passed the age of petition … age of resolution … the age of diplomacy. This is the age of action – plain, blunt and positive action. "

The Nationalist leaders were strongly opposed to the Richards Constitution as they claimed that it had been arbitrarily imposed upon them, since Richards himself had not consulted either the political leaders or public opinion in general.

THE MACPHERSON CONSTITUTION OF 1951

Sir John Macpherson took over from Sir Arthur Richards as Governor in April 1948. Macpherson attempted a rapprochement with the Nigerian Nationalists, thus securing their co-operation in a common effort towards self-government.

In the early part of his governorship, he carried out local government reforms which were intended to modernize and democratize local government structure of Southern Nigeria. He also set up a special commission, which included Dr. Azikiwe, to make recommendations on the 'Nigerianization' of the senior civil service. On 17th August 1948, Macpherson addressed the Legislative Council that "if it was the wish of the country" he was willing to make constitutional changes within three years.

Lengthy wrangling among the Nationalists led to constitutional reform with the feeling polarizing the three major parties based upon the three Regions then existing – the Action Group based on Yoruba support, the NCNC based upon Ibo support, and the NPC based upon Hausa / Fulani support, and thus establishing themselves as spokesmen of the three major tribal and regional interests.

The breakdown of the Macpherson Constitution – even though it represented a structure within which Nigerian political leaders could have worked out their political salvation had they wished on a basis of 'Unity in Diversity'- its principal weakness lay in its failure to provide government at the center. For example, there was a determination of the relationships on the one hand between the political parties and on the other hand between Nigerian leaders and expatriate officials. A further constitutional impasse developed in the Federal House of Representatives as a result of the motion calling for, 'as a primary political objective the attainment of self-government for Nigeria in 1956' which was moved by chief Anthony Enahoro, an Action Group member, on March 31, 1953.

THE LYTTELTON CONSTITUTION 1954

The political atmosphere throughout Nigeria rapidly deteriorated into party and ethnic intolerance, as evinced, for example, by the Kano Riots of 1953. Accordingly, Mr. Oliver Lyttleton, the secretary of state, stated in the House of Commons on 31st May 1953 that, since it appeared impossible for Nigerians to work together effectively in a tightly knit federation, 'Her majesty's Government had regretfully decided that the Nigerian Constitution would have to be withdrawn to provide for greater regional autonomy and for the removal of powers of intervention by the center in matters which could, without detriment to other regions, be placed entirely within regional competence. ' He accordingly invited Nigerian leaders to come to London for a Constitutional Review. The Nigerian political leaders after some political bickering visited London from 30th July to 22nd August 1953 for the constitutional conference, reaching agreement on some major issues. It was agreed that the conference should meet again in Lagos in January 1954 to deal with other issues like proposals for revenue allocation to the Regions.

The Lyttleton Constitution succeeded in giving the Regional legislatures a high degree of legislative autonomy being able to make laws on subjects included in the 'regional' list and in the 'concurrent' list (in which a Federal law could over-ride the Regional law) . The Lyttleton Constitution had visualized that the Regions would eventually become self-governing in all matters within their legislative competence, as a transitional stage towards full self-government for Nigeria as a whole. As a result of the London constitutional conference in May and June 1957 under the chairmanship of the then secretary of state, Mr. Lennox- Boyd, both Eastern and Western Regions became self-governing on 8th August, 1957 and, in March 1959, the Northern Region became self-governing.

THE LONDON CONFERENCE OF 1958

The fourth constitutional conference to be held in eight years took place in London in September and October 1958. Apart from some discussions of the position of minority in Nigeria, and the decision to hold a General Election for an enlarged House of Representatives in December 1959, the most important outcome of the conference was the decision that barring accidents, Nigeria should become independent on 1st October, 1960.

The general election having held in December 1959, no single party obtained an overall majority of the 312 seats in the new House of Representatives. The distribution of seats was as follows: Northern People's Congress (NPC) 134, Nigerian Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) 89, and Action Group (AG) 73, while others had 16. It would thus have been possible for a coalition of the NCNC and the AG to command a working majority in the House, and discussions were held between the leaders to that effect. These negotiations broke down, partly owing to the hostility between the two parties and partly because of the fear that the Northern Government was based upon the two Southern parties only. In the end, the NPC and the NCNC formed a coalition government under Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. The AG, frustrated, became the official opposition. Dr. Azikiwe resigned his seat in the House and was appointed President of the newly established Senate.

Comment: the union between the NPC and the NCNC became a subject of life-long bitter feeling between Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe with the former believing that the latter's political alignment with the NPC signified an unwarranted compromise and a sell-out.

THE INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTION OF 1960

The first Constitution of an independent Nigeria was contained in the Nigerian (Constitution) Order in Council, 1960, which came into effect on 1st October, 1960. Note that in July 1960, the United Kingdom; Parliament had passed the Nigerian Independence Act, 1960, which made provision for the independence of all Nigeria except the British Cameroons.

The 1960 Independence Constitution contained some important provisions, as follows:

i. The Governor-General representing the Queen became constitutional Head of State, acting only on the advice of his ministers. The same applied to the Governors at the Regions.

ii. Judges of the Supreme and High Courts were to be appointed upon the advice of the Judicial Service Commission, made up of the existing Judges. They could only be dismissed on the recommendation of a Tribunal of Judges, confirmed by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

iii. Constitutional provision was made for Nigerian citizenship.

iv. A procedure for constitutional amendment hitherto the prerogative of the United Kingdom authorities was incorporated in the Constitution.

FROM 1960 – 1983

Nigeria having attained political independence on 1st October 1960, it must be admitted that hope and anxiety defined the first five years of self-rule. But hope soon petered out, as anxiety soon yielded way to tension, then to crises.

The Western Region Crisis of 1962

Within two years of independence, the emergency powers of the Federal Government had to be called into play, and it became the subject of considerable political acrimony. By declaring a state of emergency and supplanting the government of a Region was demonstrably so great as to raise the question of whether Nigeria was a true Federation at all.

The Western Region crisis which developed from a personality conflict between Chief Awolowo, the leader of the Action Group and his deputy, Chief SL Akintola, the Premier of Western Region and split the Action Group completely, resulted in the suspension of the Western Region Government by the Federal Government under its emergency powers. Having declared emergency rule the Federal Government appointed Senator Majekodumi, the Federal Minister of Health, as Administrator, with full powers as if he were himself the Western Region Government.

Meanwhile, Chief Awolowo and a group of his supporters were charged with treasonable felony and conspiracy to overthrow the Federal Government. After a lengthy trial, he was convicted and sentenced to ten years imprisonment. Chief Akintola was allowed to resume his premiership on 1st January, 1963, and up to the date of his assassination during the first military coup in January 1966, remained in office as leader of a new party, the Nigerian National Democratic Party.

The Mid-West State

On 23rd March 1962, the Federal Parliament approved a Constitutional amendment to provide for a fourth Region in Nigeria. The proposal was then approved by the legislatures of Eastern and Northern Regions, although rejected at the time by the Western legislature. A referendum was held in the area affected on 13th July 1963, which gave an overwhelming support to the creation of a new Region.

The Mid-West Region, formed out the non-Yoruba areas of Western Region, came into existence on the 12th August 1963. It received a Constitution on 9th January 1964 similar to that of Western Region, after having been administered under the aegis of the Federal Government for the first six months.

How Nigeria Became a Republic

Proposals for the transformation of Nigeria into a Republic were drawn up by the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in consultation with the Regional Premiers and presented to the delegates of all the political parties at the Constitutional Conference held in Lagos on the 25th and 26th july 1963. The Conference agreed that Nigeria should become a Federal Republic within the Commonwealth on 1st October 1963. It was decided that the first president should be Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, previously the Governor-General of the Federation, and that subsequent Presidents should be elected for a period of five years at a time by the members of the Senate and the House of Representatives sitting together.

The Republican Constitution of 1963

The new Constitution incorporated the decisions of the Constitutional Conference, and was passed into law by the Federal Parliament on 19th September 1963. It came into effect on 1st October 1963. The Republican Constitution was titled "The 1963 Constitution (Act No. 20 of 1963 ) and it was a lengthy document running into twelve chapters with numerous sections. One very significant section of the 1963 Constitution was Section 157 which named Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe as President of the Republic with effect from the date of commencement of the Constitution. it must be noted that the 1963 Constitution was Federal, Republican, Written and Rigid.

The Breakdown of Law and Order

The Western Region was already politically divided since the rift between Awolowo and Akintola in 1962, lived through a period of increasing political tension during the Federal General Election Campaign of 1964. This political tension was not given a chance to subside after the election, owing partly to the charges and counter-charges of illicit practices during the election. A fresh wave of election fever which was stimulated by the knowledge that the Regional General Election was bound to take place during 1965, and rumors had it that the election might take place as early as April 1965, but in the event Chief Akintola concealed his intentions , thus allowing the fever to continue, until the announcement that the date had been fixed for the autumn of 1965.

The Regional electoral results were announced by the Regional Electoral Commission, and showed an overwhelming majority for Chief Akintola's NNDP. In reaction, the Action Group immediately declared that in fact their acting leader, Alhaji Adegbenro, had won the election and was therefore the lawful Premier, but the courts ruled that Chief Akintola retained the Premiership. The Action Group had alleged that the elections had been 'rigged' and they were supported in a statement made by the chairman of the Electoral Commission.

Political dissension and violence between the two parties increased to such a point that by the end of December 1965, the Nigerian police force, seriously undermanned and physically exhausted from the strain of a year or more of violence in the Region, found itself losing its grip on the situation and unable to guarantee the maintenance of law and order. [This was a period the political violence in the Region was euphemistically nick-named "operation wetice" during which political hooligans and arsonists poured petrol on political opponents and burnt them alive, including their houses and other material possessions].

EMERGENCE OF MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA

As a result of the deteriorating situation in Western Region coupled with the impotence of the police to contain the widespread violence from the end of December 1965 to the middle of January 1966 during which gangs of hooligans erected road blocks on the main roads between Lagos and Ibadan .

Still in the grip of its fatal indecision, the Federal Government did not act. In the early hours of Saturday, 15th January 1966, drastic action for which the situation called and with which the Federal Government had not responded, was taken. Troops under the command of Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu assassinated Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Premier of Northern Nigeria and killed a number of senior army officers who were not willing to support their actions. Other troops assassinated Chief Akintola, the Premier of Western Nigeria, and kidnapped his deputy, Chief Fani-Kayode. Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, the Federal Minister of Finance, were also kidnapped in Laos, and a preventive guard was put on the residences of the Eastern Nigeria Ministers. The bodies of Abubakar and Okotie-Eboh were not found until 21st January, until which time their fate remained unknown.

The remaining members of the Federal Council of Ministers met on 15th January, announced that an army mutiny had taken place, and stated that the General Officer Commanding, Major General JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi (who had succeeded Major-General Sir Charles Welby-Everard less than a year previously) remained completely loyal to the Federal Government.

The next day, Sunday, 16th January, the President of the Senate, Dr. Nwafor Orizu, who was Acting President of Nigeria in the absence overseas on sick leave of Dr. Azikiwe, broadcast to the nation announcing that the Council of Ministers had advised him to hand over the powers of government to Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi.

Immediately on assuming power, Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi in a broadcast to the people of Nigeria, stated that he had set up a military government and promulgated the first Decrees to suspend those Sections of the Constitution making provisions for the President of the Republic, Prime Minister, Council of Ministers, Parliament, Regional Governors, Regional Premiers, Regional Executive Councils, and Regional Assemblies. Aguiyi-Ironsi made it clear that the 'primary objective of the military government was to re-establish law and order, and to reactivate the Civil administration. Its longer term objectives were to eradicate tribalism and regionalism in any shape or form and to lead a unified Nigeria towards the adoption of a new civilian constitution.

Military Governors were appointed for each of the Regions, with Aguiyi-Ironsi as Supreme Commander and Head of the Military Government.

A study group had been set up on 21st March 1966 under Chief Rotimi Williams to make recommendations for a unitary form of government. After serious rioting by Northerners against Southerners (in particular Ibos) in the North because Northerners feared that the proposed unitary form of government was designed to subject them to Southern domination, the army once again intervened in July 1966. Northern troops seized General Aguiyi-Ironsi in Ibadan, together with his host, Lt-Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, military Governor of the West, and assassinated both of them. This sad event occurred on 29th July 1966.

After a period of confusion, in which the country was leaderless, Lt-Colonel Yakubu Gowon, a Christian Northerner from Angas ethnic group (in present day Plateau State), although not the most senior officer in the army, proved to be the only leader to whom the troops would rally. He thus became the Head of the Federal Military Government.

The first step taken by the new Gowon administration was to reverse Ironsi's decision to establish a unitary form of government. The interim was to allay Northern fears of Southern (and in particular Ibo) domination, since Ironsi had surrounded himself with Ibo advisors, within his six months in office. The new Gowon regime pacified the people of the West and the Mid-West by releasing Chief Awolowo and Chief Enahoro, and by convening a Conference, which was to include representatives from all the regions, to draft a new Federal Constitution.

The new administration, however, ran into difficulties immediately, as the Military Governor of the Eastern Region Lt-Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu (an Ibo) bitter about the massacre of his people in the North, refused to come to Lagos unless his safety would be guaranteed . The Supreme Miltary Council met in Lagos from 14th to 16th October, 1966, with Lt-Colonel Ojukwu absenting himself as he had not been given a guarantee of personal safety. There was majority support at the conference for the creation of more states in Nigeria, and that a plebiscite should take place to determine the wishes of the people.

Aburi Meeting and Subsequent Secession of the East from Nigeria

Since Ojukwu and Gowon could not see eye-to-eye with each other on the various problems confronting the country as a whole, with particular reference to the Eastern question, a committee of Western Nigeria Obas and Chiefs led by Chief Awolowo, started a round of talks with regional leaders in an attempt to solve the problem of continued Federation. The Eastern leaders persisted in their refusal to sit down to talk, and the result was that the committee had to abandon its efforts in mid-November.

The National Liberation Council in Ghana tried in December 1966, to mediate between Gowon and the military governors in the Regions, including Ojukwu. The meeting took place in Aburi, Ghana, on 4th and 5th January 1967. After the Aburi meeting, all parties returned to Nigeria convinced that a worthwhile agreement had been reached, however, Ojukwu's interpretation of the meaning of agreement differed from those of the other participants. (It should be noted that it had generally been agreed at the Aburi meeting that each regional governor should be given the power of veto over any decision of the Supreme Military Council which might affect this, as they felt it seriously undermined the power of the Federal Military Government).

A decree published by the Federal Military Government on 17th March, purporting to implement the Aburi agreement made secession illegal and empowered the SMC to take over the powers of government in any region where it had declared a state of emergency.

On 31st March, Ojukwu published an edict, the effect of which was to ascribe to the Regional Government all revenues (Oil royalties, etc.) which had previously been ascribable to the Federal Military Government. On 18th April 1967, he took over Federal installations on Eastern soil, including the railways, posts, and Telecommunications, etc.

On 27th May, 1967, Ojukwu secured an overwhelming vote in the 300 – member Regional Consultative Assembly authorizing him to proclaim the Region's independence as the 'Republic of Biafra' at the earliest possible date. The next day, Gowon declared a state of emergency throughout Nigeria, assumed full powers as Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, and promulgated a decree dividing Nigeria into twelve states. The former Northern Region was divided into six states and the Eastern Region into three. The Mid-West became one state, while the Western Region minus Colony Province became the new Western State. The Colony Province joined the former Federal Territory of Lagos to become Lagos State.

Ojukwu announced that the decree dismembering Eastern Region would not be implemented and proclaimed the Republic of Biafra on 30th May, 1967. In reaction, Gowon denounced this as an act of rebellion, imposed financial and economic sanctions on the territory and ordered general mobilization.

CIVIL WAR

As a result of frontier clashes between Ojukwu's forces and those of Gowon, Ojukwu threatened total war on 30th June, 1967 if Nigeria entered his territory. This resulted in Gowon dismissing Ojukwu both as a military governor and as an army officer. The invasion of the East by the Federal forces started on July 6th, 1967. The collapse of Biafra's side came suddenly; it was signaled in a broadcast by Ojukwu on 11th January 1970, announcing that he was handing over power to his deputy Major-General Phillip-Effiong and that 'his presence outside Biafra was vital in the search for an early and honorable end to the Civil war. ' Effiong the next day ordered the 'orderly disengagement' of his troops and a delegation was ready to negotiate a peace settlement with the Federal authorities. By 14th January, Federal troops had occupied the whole of the territory, and the next day, Lt-Colonel Effiong (he reversed to his substantive rank in the Nigerian army) formally surrendered in Lagos.

The military government of Gowon lasted nine years from, from 1966 to 1975, when he was overthrown, while on an official trip to Uganda, by General Murtala Muhammed. One of the major reasons for Gowon's overthrow was that he over-stayed in power without any clear objectives about setting the time-frame to hand over power to a civilian administration over which he severally reneged.

General Muhammed himself was toppled in a coup after only six months in power on 13th February 1976, by Lt-Colonel Buka Dimka. Following the assassination of General Muhammed, the mantle of leadership fell on the then Brigadier Olusegun Obasanjo who was immediate deputy of General Muhammed. Obasanjo piloted the affairs of Nigeria and conducted a General Election, in which an elected Executive civilian President in the person of Alhaji Shehu Shagari became President of Nigeria, on the platform of the National Party of Nigeria, on 1st October, 1979.

Shagari ruled Nigeria for four years and massive ineptitude and political corruption were the order of the day. It was indeed a testy period in Nigeria's chequered history as the 'years of the Locusts' really entered the center-stage in Nigeria's political scene.

The Era of Tunde Idiagbon and Muhammadu Buhari

Shagari's regime was boted out on 31st December, 1983 by the duo of Brigadier Tunde Idiagbo and Major-General Muhammadu Buhari who rode into the system with great promise. They wore long faces and tried to whip everybody into line. They made 'disciplie' their watch word and did not miss any opportunity to boast that they were in charge. But after sixteen months in the saddle, they were kicked out to the immediate joy of many (in August 1985).

Babangida's Era

General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, popularly called IBB, came in August 1985, with a winning smile. Like others before him, he started well. It took almost all his eight-year reign for his hidden agenda to become apparent. By then, Nigerians had been made to swallow the bitter pill of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in which the country's per capita income of about $ 1200 of the eighties plummeted to $ 250. The General turned Nigeria into a political laboratory, as he banned and unbanned politicians, endlessly tinkering with the process. The greatest political crisis that Babangida bequeathed to the country was the annulment of the Presidential Election victory won by Chief MKO Abiola on June 12th, 1993 and for reasons best known to him, the country was given the June 12 crisis. Babangida stepped aside and strung together an interim government that was later declared illegal by the courts.

The Era of Sani Abacha

One of the upshots of that crisis was the emergence of General Sani Abacha, the dictator who for five years squeezed the country to submission. Abacha, it was who jailed Abiola, the winner of the elections, for daring to his many detention camps, closed down media houses, hanged activists and sent his killer squads after opposition figures. Nigerians lived in fear and misery. During this period, Nigeria waded through its darkest phase in history.

The Era of Abdulsalam Abubakar

When Abacha passed on, General Abdulsalam Abubakar came in 1988, managed a fair transition, and set the country up on the path of dreams and hope. On May 29, 1999, a new day dawned when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was sworn in as the President, having won the General Elections under the People Democratic Party (PDP), for a four year term which terminated in year 2003.

Again, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo mounted the saddle again for a second term as Nigeria's elected civilian President after having won the 2003 General Elections under the platform of People Democratic Party. He entered his second term as President on May 29th, 2007, when the baton fell on late President Musa Yar'Adua. Yar'Adua, following a protracted illness, died on May 5th, 2009.

The Era of Goodluck Jonathan

The era of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan became the substantive President after his boss, President Musa Yar'Adua died in 2009. After a successful primary election of his Party, the PDP, Jonathan was thrown up as the flag bearer and Presidential candidate for the 2011 General Elections to which he finally won in a landslide on April 16, 2011. He was sworn in as President of Nigeria on May 29, 2011.

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Source by Anthony Ogochukwu Okeleke

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American politics is starting to get interesting. Barack Obama has been in office for over a year, and the wave of euphoria that won him the election has dissipated. People are now thinking ahead to the 2012 Presidential election. Will Obama win a second term? Will he want a second term? If he neither stands nor wins in 2012, who is going to replace him?

To answer some of these questions, we can turn to star sign astrology. We can look at the star signs of the forty-three US Presidents, and see whether some are more frequent than others. We can also explore the controversial issue of whether one can tell a good President from their star sign.

As far as frequency is concerned, the average amount of Presidents per sign is just over three and a half. We therefore have three levels of frequency: low, average and high. Having looked at the counts for each sign, the range is between two and five Presidents. So there have been four Leo Presidents, namely Benjamin Harrison, Herbert Hoover, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Low frequency signs are where only two US Presidents had the sign. Average frequency is three or four; high frequency is five.

The low frequency signs are Aries, Gemini and Virgo. It's perhaps not surprising that so few Aries people have made it to the White House – the last Aries President was John Tyler, who was in office from 1841 to 1845. To succeed in politics you need to compromise, and Aries politicians can be too assertive for their own good.

However to get to the top of their profession politicians need to have a high degree of self-belief and too much doubting can be very destructive. This is perhaps why there have been so few Gemini or Virgo Presidents. These two signs are ruled by Mercury, and this planet is very much associated with thinking and analysing. And sometimes Mercury analyses things too much, to the extent where it has second thoughts about everything.

The average frequency signs are Taurus, Cancer, Leo, Libra, Sagittarius, Capricorn and Pisces. The high frequency signs are Scorpio and Aquarius.

Scorpios can be effective politicians because they have a powerful intuition, and they tend to have a natural understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of their enemies. At the same time they have strong desires, and they do not allow anything to get in their way. Having said that, there has not been a Scorpio President for some time – the last Scorpio in the White House was Warren Harding, who was President from 1921 to 1923.

Yet in recent years two Scorpios have got reasonably close to the White House. Scorpio Michael Dukakis was beaten by Gemini George Bush Senior in the 1988 Presidential election. Twenty years later Scorpio Hillary Clinton was thwarted by Leo Barack Obama in a heated race for the Democrat nomination.

I would guess that Aquarians are successful in politics because they're independent-minded. This can very often be a disadvantage, but there are times in history when the voters are looking for something different and perhaps revolutionary. I now come to the question of which sign makes the best Presidents, and arguably the answer is Aquarius. Abraham Lincoln, who ended slavery, and who led the Union to victory during the Civil War, was an Aquarian.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, who brought America out of the Great Depression, and who led the country during the Second World War, was also an Aquarian. Then there's Aquarian Ronald Reagan. Personally I do not regard him as being a great President, but there's no denying that he stood up for America's interests and played a big role in defeating Communism. I should make it clear, though, that I'm judging success in terms of the wider collective. On an individual level the success of Aquarian Presidents is usually incomplete, because they seldom get to enjoy a happy retirement.

Of the five Aquarian Presidents, four died in office. Franklin D. Roosevelt died of a stroke in 1945, William McKinley was assassinated, and so was Abraham Lincoln. America's first Aquarian president, William Harrison, caught a cold and died, shortly after his inauguration. This means that Ronald Reagan was the only Aquarian President to retire. Even then, he came within a whisker of being assassinated, when in 1981, during an assassination attempt, he was shot in the lung.

So if you're an ambitious Aquarius, and you succeed in becoming US President, you could have a big impact on the world – but you might have to pay a big price. Aquarian Sarah Palin should bear this in mind, when she considers the pros and cons of making a 2012 bid for the White House.

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Source by Archie Dunlop

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OP Bhatnagar is one of the most leading voices of Indian English poetry whose collections Thought Poems (1976), Feeling Fossils (1977), Angels of Retreat (undated), The Audible Landscape, Oneric Visions, Shadows in Floodlight (1984) and Cooling Flames of Darkness (2001) bespeak of political consciousness of the poet. As it is clear cut fact that Indian English poetry can never stay away from the socio-political atmosphere of India and poets who do not write under a single formula but rather start a dialogue between 'man and man' so Bhatnagar too deals with a number of issues of our society and politics. Dr. AN Dwivedi comments:

"Bhatnagar's poetry comprehends a great variety of themes which directly focus on the long ness of his experience and the solemnity of his involvement in the affairs of life." (CIE217)

Bhatnagar's tackling of political theme is more firm and larger than any other Indian English poet for he has touched almost all the aspects of political scenario. Dr.VKSingh observes:
"We find in Bhatnagar a frank analysis of the facts of contemporary life. Bhatnagar descants upon myriad aspects of political life as existing currently. No salient feature escapes his keenly discerning eye. Bhatnagar rips open the bosom of several political riddles. He mirrors before us what is what of all political problems. " (152)

Themes like election, bribery, corruption, criminalization of politics, rampant bribery among the leaders degrading character of national leaders, division of society by communalism, castism, linguism, and regionalism etc and the utter loss of values ​​in politics are touched by the poet in a remarkably sensitive and superbly sarcastic way which is still not being surpassed by any poet of Indian English Poetry. His assertion that 'Indian Poetry in English has to be Indian' can not be overlooked if we aspire to promote Indian Literature. Merely copying and coping with the English and English Literature is insufficient because Indian sensibility is not suffering with the penury of thoughts, emotions and sensibility and because it has its foundation vitality and voice of potentiality. Dr. RC Sharma is right when he says:

"The reason why Bhatnagar advocates making Indian Poetry in English is beset with conflicts and concerns; and these conflicts and concerns are basically Indian. Bhatnagar is conscious of the milieu in which the Indian poet in English lives as well as of the duty which the Indian poet in English has to perform. "(79)

OPBhatnagar has dealt with a number of themes like social consciousness, political awareness, love, nature, philosophy and Indianness. According to Dr. AN Dwivedi:

Bhatnagar's poetry comprehends a great variety of themes, which directly focus on the largeness of his experienceand the solemnityof his involvement in the affairs of his life. (CIE, 217)

In this way Bhatnagar understands the tempo and temperature of his times and accordingly orchestrates his poetry. Bhatnagar's dealing with the theme of politics is myriad and real. The various social problems that agitate the conscience of man are the subjects of his poetry and he tries to throw a good deal of light on all of them. SCBose observes:

"The poetry of OPBhatnagar which has indeed many dimensions is also significant as poetry of political consciousness." (VV, 29)

The frank analysis of the fact of contemporary life, and the picturesque delineation make his poetry vibrant and appealing. According to Bhatnagar:

"Most of the vital areas of the life today are governed by the quality of political life and atmosphere are creating and living. Politics today has replaced our religious mode of life. We are fast becoming concerned with a kind of nationalism that may define our role and responsibilities in the making of the destiny of our Nation in future. " (RC, 'Introduction', 8)

According to Bhatnagar:

Indian poetry in English should primarily concern to social and political life of the people of India and it, 'must democratize its concerns and relations to society and make it a source of shared expectations … it must throw light on the degeneration and corruption corroding identities. It must speak of the total lose of moral values, the gloom and the frustrations pervading the National scene. "(RC, 'Introduction'9)

Poetry for Bhatnagar is a constant search and effort to symbolize for a better socio-political life .to him, it is' a self conscious craft shaped and reshaped by constant practice-refined and retouched by way of the vision. Like life itself, it is the work of a gardener who after removing all weeds cultivates it to final growth and flowering. As such there is no influence of any particular school of thought on his poetry. It is entirely his own- a personal experiment inspired by surroundings, ages, times and above all by human predicament.

The first collection of Bhatnagar Thought Poems (1976) has good deal of poems of political consciousness. The poems rich in thought content lack in emotion like that of romantic poets but the first poem of the collection finds out the process of poetic creation. Bhatnagar writes:

"Poetry's meaning
Like a deity in enshrined
Words upon words, the edifice build. "(TP, 5)

Bhatnagar throws ample light on the question concerning God who can not be resolved out in going round the temple by the worshipper. God is a meaning and deity enshrined in words of poem, the artist alone can expound and seek Him out:

"We may go round and round the temple
Yet never be around God.
We may go round and rand an idea
Yet never be around a thought. "(Ibid. 5)

In one of his poems, he predicts the future as gloomy as the present:

"The future looks faded
Like the blossoms of cacti after dawn
The saints from bars, brothels and night clubs
Tasting of casinos and underworld
Turn morals, values ​​and virtues to ice-cream
Licked by fun loving childness in cones. "(TP, 10)

In the poem 'The new Scale' Bhatnagar tries to strike balance between one man's meat is another man's poison. The poet finds the dictum worn out in the modern context 'a simple and honest man measures life in value spoons as he finds dishonesty to be the meanest way of life'. The stark reality of life can be seen as:

"A simple, honest man
In a worn out mode
May still himself find
Measuring life in value spoons
Bribery, corruption and forgery

For him, a bitter poison be. "(TP, 12)

Bhatnagar wishes to opine that the one's who amass wealth are the little concern with the interest with their fellow beings, nor do they feel any immorality in acting quite contrary to the code of conduct. In another poem 'A Woe of Wonder', Bhatnagar expresses our sentiments and helpless attitude. The poet regrets the diversity, disintegration that our country possesses today. The emphasis of the poet is nothing but Nationality, one sentiment and one attitude. This idea is penned by the poet as:

"Our is a multiheaded country
Looking in no particular direction
Trimurti is an all inclusive vision
From here to eternity risen
Telling the tale of our frivolity. "(TP, 14)

Similarly in the poem 'The Bonds of Country Care' the poet comments on the loyalty and patriotism of those Indians who have been amassing vanity, wealth and arrogance by their services to the countries to which they have immigrated. These so called loyal citizens and tireless patriots visit India for their own cause:

"Loyal citizens proud of patriots
Never forget the care of their country
And fly back home from time to time
Either to choose a bride like a prince
Or buy of ones country a jewel of a land
Placing their kingdom in a safety of bands
Sealed with the loyal assurance with a wink
That although they do not belong to this country
It sure belongs to their empire. "(TP, 15)

The second collection Feeling Fossils has also some poems of political interest. Bhatnagar despite treating the politics in an indirect manner hardly fails to pin point very uncommon phenomena that somehow remain hidden from the eye of even those who have specialized in the game of politics. 'Crossing The Bar' is realistic poem that lashes on the modern politicians. His comment on the modern politicians is worth quoting:

"Morals as dense
As thick forests
Let no light in;
The game is weird
Hunting loyalties
For romance. "(FF, 16)

Another notable poem 'The No Man's Land' expresses the idea that freedom has brought no racial change in the life of the people who are still living the dark dungeon of poverty, illiteracy and justice. The movement of liberation was raised by the masses but only few privileged men came forward to control. And when the efforts and sacrifices of the masses resulted success those privileged few captured thrown of the country and continued ruling over the nation under the garb of democracy. So the poet feels right:

"Before the British came
The land was not ours:
After they left,
It was not ours too
The land belongs
To those who rule;
The others merely inherit
The no man's land. "(FF, 19)

The third collection Angles of Retreat has several thought provoking poems in which the poet explores the meaning of time as is evaluated from the events emerging from the cave of materialism wedded to hypocrisy. The tone of the poet in this collection is satiric and ironical. In the poem 'History is A Sorry go round' the poet wishes to propound that the historians often ignore the importance of the people at large and they tend to magnify the deeds of a few privileged men. The political sycophants have no other way of reaching the pages of History. The historians think that their labor in recording titles and tortures serve the cause of National unity and security and they are helped by political sycophants:

"Political sycophants are their aides
On whose beguiling predictions
They fire eat and perform
The Japanese fire-walk shows
To dazzle the already dazed. "(AR, 40)

However political leaders and sycophants forget that the tyrants and blood suckers have to face a fall:

"Too much suppression and much politicking
It ferments its own defeat
Forcing the masses to forge
In the smithy of their conscience
The invisible weapons of their conscience
The invisible weapons of their fall
Crowning shame on the foreheads of tyrants
And nailing bitter truths
On the crossroads times. "(AR41)

'Beggars can Be Choosers' is a remarkable poem in which the poet extends his sympathy for the poor, homeless deceased and propounds that begging is not an evil as those that are harbored by shallow careerists, dare devil smugglers and cheating blackmarketeers. The beggars are away from the ailment of tension, alienation and loss of identity and the poet concludes:

"All my humanitarian approach
Seemed a snarl to me
And my reformist fervor a celluloid zeal
Little realizing that beggars also can be choosers
And little less apprehending
The way we can misread one another
To keep our irrational forms going
That in endless deceit
End the shapes of our destiny. "(AR, 43)

Similarly, in another poem 'Thoughts on A Election Day' is another poem of political consciousness in which the poet ridicules and paints a very vivid and realistic picture of ignorant voters and literate officials as follows:

"The ignorant voters in their routine
Queue up day-dreaming
And in a passion of a second
Get rid of their oscitant indecision
Stamping symbols for men.
With a handful of literates
Sealing illiterate favours in steel boxes
And recording the proud percentage of poll
A quite reigns over the polling booths
Like mourners retired from their obsequies. "(AR, 46)

The hope for new political miracles after such democratic phenomena in every five year is finely portrayed by the poet who wishes to say that Democracy is nothing but the ugly face oppression and injustice.

The fourth collection of verse Oneric Visions indirectly muses over the themes of politics wherein several fragments related to political consciousness are scattered in the volume. For example in the poem 'If One Starts Asking Questions like Hamlet' the poet gives a reference to politics:

"The fanatic erect marbles statues
Of their transient heroes
On the evanescent route of times-
Some whispering revolution
Others proclaiming peace-
Leaving the common man
To elbow sun with sun-shades. "(OV 25)

In 'Who is Afraid of Fear' the poet's idea about the magnitude of evils that tell about the nature of politics is expressed by the poet:

"Up rise the ghost of smugglers
Hoarders, hooligans and holy-idlers
In a saucy denial of their treason
And evoke the deformed apparitions
Of the men who wished to rule
Or the man who just could not be men
And like a Shikhandi shielded
The shadow of sin

Branding sun complain of gout
Bent with an aging dream
Wiping morals like beauty
Scrapped by actors with cold cream. "(OV, 35)

The Gandhian concept of non-violence is very well expressed in the poem 'Non-Niolence and Violence'. Like Gandhi, Bhatnagar feels that even non-violence has its limits:

"If one strikes you once
I invite him to do it again:
If one takes off your shirt
Offer him to remove whatever remains. "(OV, 35)

But it is not practically non-violence but a dearth of wisdom rather the poet suggests:

"With ideals folded like umbrella
One may keep them for a rainy day
And indulge in violence for fun
But the wrinkled dialectic of violence
Is a bit too monotonous
Putting the ikebana of horror
Unrelieved and unpossessed
Of any sense of humour
Worth the while. "(OV, 43)

The collection Shadows in Floodlight has several poems of depth and observation in which the poet becomes philosophical as well as analytical. In the poem 'Of Poverty, Revolutions and Dreams' the poet upholds rightly:

We can not value poetry than its contents
Like vice more than its purity
And frustrations behave a wfore:
For poetry in itself is a revolution
Undreamt of in dreamt undreams. "(SF, 17)

But in another poem 'The Living Scene' the poet presents the picture of modern India saying:

"The living scene in my country
Is worth only for the granite eyes
Insensitive and resilient
For our visions to unfold. "(SF, 20)

And he adds:

"It's a scene where utopia and epic
Are merging into a palpable chaos
Adventure overrunning freedom
Gangsterism whipping justice,
Politics keeping dignity captive
Inaction to avoid thought. "(Ibid)

The sixth collection The Audible Landscape has ample poems related to political consciousness in which the poet vocalizes and reflects the present scenario of the Nation and its people. For example, the first poem reflects the slavish mentality of the people who are ready to suffer without making a sigh. The Nation has become coward and the malady is beyond all treatment. The poet says:

"The self enslaving slaves are ruled
By glad ghosts. "(AL, 9)

And he adds:

"When slavery is loved as a rhetoric to survive
Rendering both Cervants and Dostoyevsky futile
Conceits of cowards need no therapist
Nor freedom a Marx or a Gandhi to revive. "(P.9)
He mirrors our predicament saying:
"A prisoner is more free than those
Who have no freedom even to dream. "(Ibid)

Almost the identical tone is continued in the next poem 'The Walls of Prison house Remain'. Bhatnagar writes:

"We've broken the chains of slavery
The walls of prisonhouse remain. "(AL, 10)

The following extract from the poem mirrors the plight of the Indians:

"Our despair is not because
There is less revolution
But little change. "(Ibid)
Or:
"Even now we look for leaders to follow
God to send us his grace:
We're afraid of speaking the truth
And resisting whatever is unjust
Foul and corrupt in our bones. "(Ibid)
What a fun it has that we have taken phrases for reality forgetting all resistance and protest. Bhatnagar says:
"Long caged in slavery
We've become like circus lions
Incapable of freedom in emotions
Became our own prisonwalls. "(.AL P.11)

The third poem in the volume 'Can Facts Be Destroyed By Ideas, highlights the reality which can not be destroyed by ideas the so called cat politics can not play the game of hide and seek for a long time. The poet writes:

"Yesterday they were the dreams of tomorrow
Today they are the memories of past-
Villages to replace heaven:

The unsheltered resting in villas:
Morals to be as firm as mountains:
With he hungry feeding at the Taj-
All this is history now of politics
That enrich country with poverty such long. "(AL, 12)

The poet concludes saying:

"Even poets are now weary of dreams
Readt like Caligula to depart
Let struggle revive to make up for the loss
In art turn material hostile to art. "(Ibid)

In this collection there are number of poems like 'Still Questions', 'The New Morality', 'The Second Coming', 'On Seeing Rashtrapati Bhavan', 'Displacement More Spacious', 'That Space' and 'The Second Conversion' in which the poet points out the foils and foibles of our character and presents the snapshot of the suffering humanity and reveling a naked of modern life Bhatnagar tries to reform the present scenario and motivates us to fight against injustice and humiliation.
The last collection Cooling Flames of Darkness (2001) has also a number of poems of political interest in which the poem 'The Janus Faced Politician' is remarkable. The poet starts saying:

"Who says it takes yellow sweat and suffering
To become a leader these fruitful days!
It's now faience with all imperfections
To charm the innocent unequals
With more charming handicaps
Way laying day-dreams by faldage
With deceptive drawings of fain hopes. (CFD, 17)

The farcical face of Indian politics and the imposters called politicians are sketched by the poet so well. Bhatnagar urges us:

"So, watch a hardcore bandit
A seasoned-green kidnapper
A smart murderer: a high-fi smuggler
A high moving scamster
Talk glib on television
Or dictate his undercover turns
To the twice beleaguered people
Voting him to power with little choice
Democracy forcing its way to a farce. (CFD, 18)

The poem 'Ravaged Children of The Civilized Times' shows almost all the outer conflicts in the world where the people of the modern times are more indulged in cancerous violence, sins and crimes rather being' in the line of the best selling fiction: / media blow-up on sight on internet '. Politicians are like Cassius and Shakuni who are fixing distant designs of personal power-park and are 'perambulating their nebulous dreams.' According to him, politicians will never let the world change in its earlier glory. He says:

"We're ravaged of civilized times-
Our limping spirits have their own vexed truth:

Philosophers, physiologists or politicians aside
All fires end- find their glory in ashes:
And waters emptying themselves out
Through all the mountain gashes. And
Howsoever much innocence may stand the test
By fire and water:
Violence will never lost its radiance
The woes of innocence their cold surrender.
May be the return to the tenderness of heart
Lies through bestiality, faxed all over the world
The text in its authenticity unchanged. "(CFD, 14)

Likewise, in 'The Primitives of The Age', the poet imagines the more ghasty mishappenings and the overgrowth of the ghost of dirty politics:

"Come one, come all
Come hyenas or wolves
The inlaid roots will naturally force
Their trampled power to fresh shoots
And survive the grizzly undergrowth
In a new grace of their old salons
Tesing the civilized in their

Much biting teeth. "(CFD, 16)

In 'Looking At My Solitude' the poet tries to unburden himself from the agonies of time but finds solace nowhere and says:

"For the agony of it
Philosophy, music or poetry
May only half-persuade the fine taste
To savour the taste of solitude
In good taste and trust:
For, the bitter at best can turn
Only less bitten not sweeter still. "(CFD, 36)

Thus, from the above narration it is revealed that Bhatnagar's poetry is free from all the movements of Rightist or Leftist nor it has any relation with any particular school of thought or ideology rather to a depiction of reality crystal-clearly and narration of truth in pictorial and vividly. The Religion of Bhatnagar's poetry is love and peace. His poetic creed is essentially human and kind. He seems to be a true advocate of simplicity when he says:

"Poetry at its best is a clear and a simplified version of the complex and the confused for there is nothing more transcidental beyond the creative simplicity of poetry. Poetry wins not by its snobbishness but by its simplicity. Simple poetry is the poetry of togetherness. If more Indian people are to read poetry in English then it must get common and accessible and related to the living human concerns of the times than mere to words, animals, damsels and sex. " (FD, 122)

Therefore, we can say that Bhatnagar has treated the politics as metaphor in his poetry and his poetry has established itself as the clarion call of awakening in the present milieu of political darkness.

References:

oA.N. Dwevedi (ed.), Contemporary Indo English Verse. Bareilly: Prakash Book Depot.1998.
oV. K. Singh. 'Silhouttes from Political & Economic Life' The Poetry of OP Bhatnagar- A critical Evaluation. Under the supervision of Dr. TK Ramchandran, Submitted to Rohilkhand University, Bareilly, 1992
oR.C. Sharma & Dolly Oswal, 'OP Bhatnagar's Treatment of Politics', Agra University Journal of Research. Vol.xxx, pt. 1, Jan.1982
oS. C. Bose, Vision & Voice. Vol.2, Ed. GP Baghmar, Nagpur; Vishwa Bharti Publications. (Abbreviated as VV)
oO. P. Bhatnagar (ed,) Rising Columns-Some Indian Poets in English.Amravati; Kala Prakashan.
o —————————— Thought Poems.Aligarh: Skylark Publications. 1976, (Abbreviated as TP in the text)
o —————————— Feeling Fossils .New Delhi: Samkaleen Prakashan., (Abbreviated as FF in the text)
o ————————— Angles of Retreat .New Delhi: Samkaleen Prakashan., (Abbreviated as AR in the text)
o —————————- Oneric Visions. Jaipur: Rachna Prakashan., (Abbreviated as OV in the text)
o —————————– Shadows in Floodlights. Aligarh: Skylark Publications. (Abbreviated as SF in the text)
o —————————— Audible Landscape. Aligarh: Skylark Publications. (Abbreviated as AL in the text)
o ————————— Cooling Flames of Darkness. New Delhi: Samkaleen Prakashan., 2001 (Abbreviated as CFD in the text)
o ————————— Future Directions- Indian Poetry in English Jaipur: Rachna Prakashan, (Abbreviated as FD in the text)

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Source by Shaleen Singh

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Political slogans can be an integral part of your campaign's communications effort. Slogans present an easy-to-remember way to present your candidate's name and message to the electorate. Ideal political taglines should be pithy and memorable, utilize the candidate's name, and tie directly to the campaign's message:

1. Make it Memorable

If your political slogans are not memorable, then … well, then no one will remember them. That goes without saying, right? Make your slogans memorable by making them short and pithy. Try using alliteration (starting several words with the same letter) or the "rule of three." This rule says that things are more easily remembered when they are presented in threes. (For example: Arlen Specter for District Attorney: He's Smart, He's Tough, and Nobody Owns Him …) Using three short, punchy phrases is a way to make your slogan very memorable.

2. Utilize the Candidate's Name

Every slogan should use the candidate's name as a central part of the tagline. What good is a political slogan if it does not help the voters remember the candidate's name? For example:

John Smith for Alderman. No One Cares More about Our Schools.

Clean Streets, Safe Neighborhoods. Ralph Major for Mayor.

Too many campaigns have really catchy slogans that do not use the candidate's name. Do not make this mistake. Always put the candidate's name front and center in your political slogan.

3. Tie Your Slogan to the Campaign Message

How should you decide what your campaign slogan should be? The first step is to review your campaign message – what is it that you most want the voters to remember about your campaign? What sets your candidate apart from "the other guy?" Take that issue (the "message" of your campaign) and use it to craft your slogan.

For example, if your message revolves around lower taxes, then so should your tagline. If your message centers on building new schools in your town, then your tagline should focus on education.

When building your political slogans, remember to make them memorable, use the candidate's name, and tie your tagline as closely as possible to your campaign's message. Then, test your slogan by running it by as many voters as possible (both supportive and non-supportive) as possible to see what they think. Make some revisions, and then go with it.

Well crafted, well thought out political slogans can and should form an integral part of your overall campaign communications strategy.

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Source by Joe Garecht

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English has become one of the most important languages ​​in the world. It has trickled even into lesser known countries as something that is needed to communicate with others. English is used in politics, business dealings, and everyday life. Many people are finding it hard to get by without knowing English. The global language of English is found in popular music, television programs and even on the internet. As a whole, there are more websites made in English than anywhere else. Realizing the importance of English, many people have taken it on as a second language.

Politics is one arena where English is important. In order for countries to communicate with each other, they must learn the native language. Since English speaking countries are a very important part of the global economy and its advancement, other political and country leaders must either learn English or find someone who knows English to interpret for them. Since it is considered bad manners to have things communicated through others, political leaders opt to learn the global language of English. This makes it easier for them to talk to their peers on matters of serious concern without feeling inadequate.

The business world has need for the global language of English as well. Many companies are expanding overseas. American companies are setting up shop in other countries, and there are companies that wish to transfer over to America. The language barrier must be broken somehow, so people in the business world are learning English. This makes it easier to broker deals, or tell potential partners what is expected of them. It is also a good way to communicate with potential employees. It is often the tradition of the business world that you need to know your potential partner's native tongue. So if an American wants to initiate a deal with a Japanese business partner, the American needs to know Japanese. It's considered proper business etiquette. With other countries wanting to set up businesses in English speaking countries, or needing to appeal to English speaking customers, they need to learn English.

Tourism is another area where English has been embraced. : Many English speaking people like to visit different Countries on vacation. It's important for businesses in these countries to learn the global language of English since they will, in fact, be benefiting from the presence of tourists. They'll spend their money to buy souvenirs from their businesses, sample and eat the food, and take tours. This benefits their economy as a whole.

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Source by Grace Rimando

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In the world of politics, people who describe themselves as moderate share in common a handful of fundamental beliefs. These people are united not around a party or organization but around a certain worldview. In this article I am going to tell you the most important things you need to know about what defines a moderate.

Oxford dictionary describes a moderate as an "individual who is not extreme, partisan or radical". People often use centrist as a synonym with the term but it should not be used interchangeably. Moderates can be centrists, but they can also be classified either as center-left or center-right on the classic political spectrum. There is a significant degree of flexibility when it comes to party choice for these individuals as they have very pragmatic tendencies when it comes to voting.

There are, nevertheless, a select few beliefs and characteristics that ties every political moderate together. They are listed as follows:

Common Sense and Reason

A moderate's thinking about political issues is founded on the premise that they think with their heads. Meaning, they try to not let their emotions get in the way of making decisions on often difficult and complex issues. They understand the various implications both positive and negative that could arise from taking one position or another on a given topic. Thus, moderates try to vote as rationally as they can. Moderates weigh the importance of one thing versus the other and decide which one is truly more crucial and will be more beneficial to the society in which they live. They also have a tendency to vote pragmatically or "strategically" when the occasion warrants such behavior. The moderate despises irrationality, which leads me to the next section.

Belief in Science

I strongly and personally believe that a belief in science is absolutely essential to the identity of a moderate. To discredit the basics of science is to exhibit an utter disregard for reason and rationality. In most western countries this is not an issue like it is in the United States of America. Statistics from polls that ask Americans about their beliefs in science and evolution are absolutely disheartening to the average person of sanity. After having a president for the last eight years that disrespected and misunderstood science, the numbers should not come as a shock. Regardless of whether one votes as a moderate conservative or moderate liberal, a belief in science is imperative to being able to justly hold the 'm' word in their title.

Middle-of-the-Road Politics

Moderates often describe themselves as "independents", not affiliating themselves with any specific political party. However, they can favor one party over the other, hence the terms moderate Democrats and moderate Republicans. When moderates' party of choice starts to move too far to the left or the right, they can become uneasy. Candidates who take far left or right ideological positions are not appealing to average moderate voters. When the media reports that independents decide elections in places like the United States and Canada, what they are really saying is that moderates decide those elections. In the US, the last two Democratic Presidents were moderates, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. George W. Bush campaigned as a moderate with the slogan "compassionate conservatism" but governed mostly as an ideologue. In Canada, the Liberal party of Canada defines itself as a centrist / moderate party and dominated Canadian politics for most of the last 100 years. These kinds of parties are most attractive to moderates.

I believe that these three aspects best describe what a moderate is and what he or she believes in. In the world of politics, moderates know how to work together and how to get things done.

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Source by T Nes

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Outside of the academic environment, a harsh and seemingly ever-growing debate has appeared, concerning how mass media distorts the political agenda. Few would argue with the notion that the institutions of the mass media are important to contemporary politics. In the transition to liberal democratic politics in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe the media was a key battleground. In the West, elections increasingly focus around television, with the emphasis on spin and marketing. Democratic politics places emphasis on the mass media as a site for democratic demand and the formation of "public opinion". The media are seen to empower citizens, and subject government to restraint and redress. Yet the media are not just neutral observers but are political actors themselves. The interaction of mass communication and political actors – politicians, interest groups, strategists, and others who play important roles – in the political process is apparent. Under this framework, the American political arena can be characterized as a dynamic environment in which communication, particularly journalism in all its forms, substantially influences and is influenced by it.

According to the theory of democracy, people rule. The pluralism of different political parties provides the people with "alternatives," and if and when one party loses their confidence, they can support another. The democratic principle of "government of the people, by the people, and for the people" would be nice if it were all so simple. But in a medium-to-large modern state things are not quite like that. Today, several elements contribute to the shaping of the public's political discourse, including the goals and success of public relations and advertising strategies used by politically engaged individuals and the rising influence of new media technologies such as the Internet.

A naive assumption of liberal democracy is that citizens have adequate knowledge of political events. But how do citizens acquire the information and knowledge necessary for them to use their votes other than by blind guesswork? They can not possibly witness everything that is happening on the national scene, still less at the level of world events. The vast majority are not students of politics. They do not really know what is happening, and even if they did they would need guidance as to how to interpret what they knew. Since the early twentieth century this has been fulfilled through the mass media. Few today in United States can say that they do not have access to at least one form of the mass media, yet political knowledge is remarkably low. Although political information is available through the proliferation of mass media, different critics support that events are shaped and packaged, frames are constructed by politicians and news casters, and ownership influences between political actors and the media provide important short hand cues to how to interpret and understand the news.

One must not forget another interesting fact about the media. Their political influence extends far beyond newspaper reports and articles of a direct political nature, or television programs connected with current affairs that bear upon politics. In a much more subtle way, they can influence people's thought patterns by other means, like "goodwill" stories, pages dealing with entertainment and popular culture, movies, TV "soaps", "educational" programs. All these types of information form human values, concepts of good and evil, right and wrong, sense and nonsense, what is "fashionable" and "unfashionable," and what is "acceptable" and "unacceptable". These human value systems, in turn, shape people's attitude to political issues, influence how they vote and therefore determine who holds political power.

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Source by Jonathon Hardcastle

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No one likes to be judged by mere appearances. That said, we may as well say that we should not judge a candidate's worth based on which political party he belongs to. After all, being affiliated to a party has its own curses and blessings.

In the political arena of the Philippines, history tells us that there are more negative aspects than positive ones on being affiliated to a political party.

The issue of party came to my mind following the departure of Chiz Escudero, a presidential aspirant in the 2010 elections, from the Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC). Some pundits are quick to conclude that for Escudero leaving NPC he has just committed a "political suicide."

It sounds logical to say that Escudero's surprising decision was a political suicide. That is for people who surmise that winning an election depends on party affiliations. Or that one's strength is defined by a party's backing.

To my mind, political party is nothing but a nonsense group of opportunists. It is composed of fake acquaintances and pretentious friends. People are there because they want to get something out of the party, not because they want to be catalysts of the noble vision of the party.

It is difficult to recall when was the last time the Philippines truly had a genuine political party – I mean a party that really has a specific direction and a set of well-founded principles it adheres to.

Here are some existing political parties in the Philippines with names of corresponding leaders: Lakas-Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino-Christian Muslim Democrats (Gloria Arroyo); Nationalist People's Coalition (Eduardo Cojuangco Jr.); Liberal Party (Manuel Roxas II), Nacionalista Party (Manny Villar), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Satur Ocampo); Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (Aquilino Pimentel Jr.); Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (Erap Estrada); United Opposition (Jejomar Binay); Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (Edgardo Angara); Liberal Party (breakaway) (Lito Atienza); Partido Demokratiko Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (Norberto Gonzales); Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (Ferdinand Marcos Jr.); Lakas-Christian Muslim Democrats (breakaway) (Jose de Venecia Jr.); and People's Reform Party (Miriam Defensor-Santiago). And there are nearly a hundred other regional, minor, or party-list groups whose names we only find in election forms.

We have too many parties – and it is not helping us as a nation. Whenever there is a conflict of interest within a party, we can expect that a new party (also called a breakaway party) will be formed. Thus, the number of party groups is on the rise.

More often than not, a new political party is formed by those who were left behind at the choosing of a party's official candidate in an election, not that they wanted to make a difference in our society so they established their own group.

At the national level, the emergence of new political parties is a strong sign of a widespread dissatisfaction among members of the same group. Since there is no law that prohibits the creation of a new party and we are not a two-party system country, politicians are confident that, with their money, they can always form a new party if they do not get what they want.

In the US, we do not hear of a Hilary Clinton forming a new political party because she was not nominated as the presidential standard bearer of the Democrats. It could have been a different story if Mrs. Clinton were a Filipino politician.

At the local level, it is even more difficult to talk about the essence political parties. The sad thing is that it has always been an issue of who the highest bidder is. Without a doubt, the affiliation of a local candidate to a particularly party is solely based on financial attachment. Nothing else, truth to tell.

Those who truly want to serve our people must be sustained by the patriotic principles they adhere to, not by the support of their disappearing party.

Those who are desirous to become public servants can not just be sustained by the indulgence of their political party but by the mandate of the people – for the interest of the common good

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Source by Stan Debohol

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In the work 'What Has Literature Got To Do With It' Achebe brings up a very pertinent question relating literature to creation. He asks whether 'people create stories' or 'stories create people' or rather 'stories create people create stories'. To the question whether stories would come first or people would come first is connected the myth of the creation, to which is connected the remarkable Fulani's story. ' It is a creation story about whether man came into being first or the story came first. The story goes that in the beginning there was a 'huge drop of milk. Then the milk created stone, the stone created fire; the fire created water; the water created air '. Then man was moulded by Doondari out of five elements. But man had pride. Then Doondari created blindness and blindness defeated man. The story is about creation, defeat of man through hubris and redemption of man. These stories are not just restricted to creation, but have been imbibed in the history of man, social organizations, political systems, moral attitudes, religious beliefs and even prejudices.

The Igbo political system, prevails on the absence of kings. The word 'king' is represented more by different words. In the Igobo town of Ogidi kingship gradually went out of use, because the king had to settle a lot of debts, owned by every man and woman in the kingdom. In fact one who became a king held the people in utter contempt when he organized a ritual called 'Kola-nut' where he cracked the nut between his teeth and made the people eat the cola-nut coated with the king's saliva. He was dethroned and the people became a republican. It was decided the the king should guarantee the solvency of the people. These mythical stories of kingship dwindled with the emergence of the British community when kingship merged with the British political legacy and gained new connotations.

Achebe mentions two animal stories the emergence of the British community when kingship merged with the British political legacy and gained new connotations.

Achebe mentions two animal stories which are short but complex enough to warrant them as literature. Once there was a meeting of animals, at a public square, when a fowl was spotted by his neighbours going in the opposite direction. The fowl explains that he had not gone to the meeting because of some personal matter. The fowl generously said that even though not present in body he would be present in spirit. It was decided at the meeting that a particular animal, namely the fowl would henceforth be regularly sacrificed for the Gods. And so the fowl had given its assent to be a sacrificial victim forever.

The second animal story was about a snake riding a horse. The snake could not ride very skillfully. A toad came by to show the snake horsemanship. The toad rode very skillfully, and came back and returned the horse to the snake. The snake smilingly said that it was better having than not having. He had the horse in possession. So he rode away with the horse in the same way as before.

These two stories have curious implications. The fowl story is a tale of warning to democratic citizens who do not take active participation in the democratic process. The second story has significations of class divisions. The snake is an aristocrat in a class society while a toad is a commoner with expertise whose personal effort does not matter because he does not have the necessary possessions. The snake possesses merit by birth or wealth and hence enjoys privileges whether he possesses skill or not.

The connection of these stories with literature is implicit. Literature offers scope for social transition and change. Literature can cause change in society. The king enforcing his subjects to eat the saliva covered nut is obviously an invitation to rebellion. The snake story is also a story of class division and privilege, but his seeds of revolution in it. The skilled have not may be incited to rise to rebellion by observing the undue privilege of the unskilled rich. The implication is the dissolution of an incompetent oligarchy. In fact the snake figure has been chosen because of its unattractiveness for ultimately it would become the target of revolution.

Literature is connected with social, economic and educational growth. Literature is related with the creation of human societies. Because Nigeria wants to grow as an independent nation, it needs the creative energy of national stories to support and sustain the growth of the nation.

In fact even if we look back to classical literature, it is seen that the portrayal of Achilles or Ulysses is indirectly connected to the growth of Greece as a nation. So also is the portraiture of Beowulf connected to the social, historical and national development of the Anglo Saxon society. There is a relationship between the Anglo Saxons sitting around the fire on the hearth rebelling against the cold and charting their own growth and psychoanalysis storytelling. Both have a psychological implication in them. When one tells a story to the psychoanalyst he actually tells a story. The connection between literature and psychoanalysis as Achebe puts it as 'Literature can have an important and profound positive effect as well, functioning as a kind of bountiful, nourishing matrix for a healthy, developing psyche.' Literature thus helps to counter psyche in real life helping in a discovery of the self that tables to cope with life. Literature through the symbol of the animal story connects itself with political uprisings, sociological and historical growths as well as psychoanalytic analysis of the self which helps in confronting reality and finding one's own self.

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Source by Anuradha Basu